Uzbekistan. author: druidabruxux. source: Flickr

According to Freedom House in their statement about the Nations in Transit data release:

“In 2012, autocratic regimes in Eurasia fought energetically to keep the threat of democratic change at bay. In some cases, governments with established records of repression introduced new and arguably redundant measures to further constrain dissent, having already engaged in years of censorship, subjugated the justice system, and in some contexts resorted to violence. As a result, governance institutions in the region’s autocracies grew more dysfunctional, less independent, and more prone to corruption. ”

Freedom House continues:

“Meanwhile in Central Europe, a public backlash against unpopular austerity measures de­stabilized several governments in 2012, testing the durability of democratic institutions. Despite frequent government changes and heightened political polarization, most states in the region were able to respond to mounting pressure without significantly straying from core democratic norms.”

The Baltic states were leading among the post-Soviet nations–with Estonia in the lead, ranking at 1.96. Latvia followed at 2.07 and Lithuania trailed slightly behind at 2.32, though all 3 nations have been categorised as ‘Consolidated Democracies’. The Eastern European Neighbourhood countries–Belarus, Ukraine and Moldova– ranked at a 6.71, 4.86, and 4.81 respectively. Belarus has been slated as a Consolidated Authoritarian Regime, while Ukraine and Moldova are both categorised as Transitional Governments/Hybrid regimes.

The South Caucasus was a mixed bag–with Georgia leading in the region at 4.75, and being considered a Transitional Government/Hybrid regime. Next was neighbouring Armenia at 5.36, and dubbed a ‘Semi-Consolidated Authoritarian Regime’. Azerbaijan was last, at 6.64, and categorised as a ‘Consolidated Authoritarian Regime’.

Mausoleum, Konya Urgench, Turkmenistan. author: dwrawlinson. source: Flickr

Perhaps unsurprisingly, the Central Asian post-Soviets were among the poorest ranking, with Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan tying for worst offenders of all the ex-Soviets, with a ranking of 6.93 out of 7. Both nations are considered Consolidated Authoritarian regimes. Kazakhstan comes next at 6.57, then Tajikistan at a slightly improved 6.25. Kyrgyzstan was the best ranking in Central Asia at 5.96–and considered a Semi-Consolidated Authoritarian Regime.

Freedom House remarks on some notable trends from this year’s report:

“Georgia and Armenia made strides toward more competitive and fair elections as a result of new electoral laws that emphasized equal access to campaign resources and media coverage. Though there was some abuse of administrative resources and polling-day violations persisted, competitiveness improved and both votes yielded more representative legislatures. In contrast to these improvements, Ukraine’s downward spiral continued as parliamentary elections were marred by political prosecutions, legal manipulations, large-scale abuse of administrative resources, opaque campaign finances, and bribery. “

ICYMI, ‘Nations in Transit 2013′ finds authoritarian regimes resisting dem change

http://t.co/vDHYZJN4PR#NIT2013pic.twitter.com/iDaMEMnDVG

— Freedom House (@FreedomHouseDC) June 18, 2013

A booklet with time-series data on all 29 countries covered by the report and an overview essay describing the year’s trends can be found here, along with an interactive map.

A Russian-language version of the essay is available here.

Iaşim Romania–which was once the capital of historic Moldavia. author: Chodaboy. source: Flickr

The historical region and former principality of Moldavia lasted from the 14th to 19th century.  Moldavia existed independently until 1859, when it united with Wallachia as the basis of the modern Romanian state. Today the western part of historic Moldavia is now part of Romania and the region east of the Prut river belongs to the Republic of Moldova, while the northern and south-eastern parts are territories of Ukraine. Moldavia was a historic principality which ceased to exist after the 1800s, when the Eastern half , Bessarabia was annexed by Russia. Bessarabia was briefly independent in 1918, and was called the Moldavian Democratic Republic, which was declared part of the Russian Republic. The Moldavian Democratic Republic was then united with Romania, though the union was not recognised by Russia. For 22 years, the Moldavian Democratic Republic was under Romanian jurisdiction, though the newly communist government of Russia did not agree.

In 1940 however, after being annexed by the Soviet Union, the Moldavian Democratic Republic was joined with the Moldavian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (MASSR), which was an autonomous part of the Ukrainian SSR. Thus, the Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic came into being, which it remained until the collapse of the USSR. In 1991 the country declared independence, proclaiming itself the Republic of Moldova, with the same boundaries as the Moldavian SSR.

Today, the official title of the country is the Republic of Moldova, with disputes over whether simply referring to “Moldova” is misleading, and could be misconstrued as being the eastern region of Romania. However, the government of the Republic of Moldova itself often simply refers to “Moldova” when talking about the nation–so hard and fast rules are difficult to come by.

To make matters even more confusing, in many European languages the country is spelled and pronounced as Moldavia, so when translating into English, it inadvertently refers to a principality which no longer exists. It can lead to seeming misnomers like this..

Wheels up for Brussels and EU FM’s meeting all-day. Then Northern Dimension dinner with Russia FM Lavrov. Then late to Chisinau in Moldavia

— Carl Bildt (@carlbildt) February 18, 2013

Moldovan, as a language, is actually the official name of the Romanian language in the Republic o f Moldova, with various colloquial differences and dialects of Romanian spoken throughout the Republic of Moldova. In the 2004 census, 16.5% Moldova declared Romanian as their native language, whereas 60% declared Moldovan. Though essentially the same language, there was contention earlier this year about the Moldovan Liberal Party’s legislative initiative to change Article 13 of the Constitution by replacing the name of the state language “Moldovan” with “Romanian”. Russia backed criticism of the motion on the basis that it would restrict the linguistic rights of ethnic minorities, including Russian speakers in the country.

History can tell us the roots of a country and the permutations of its name, but public opinion remains divided about how and when these titles apply in the modern day.

We have taken a look at this issue based on comments and opinions from our readers. What do you think?

Take a drive through  The Republic of Moldova/Moldova/Moldavia…

#Moldova

Baku. author: zip 95. source: Flickr

A source at the Russian Defence Ministry said the order had been on hold for some time to avoid upsetting the military balance in the South Caucasus, where Russia has a military base in Armenia, and an agreement to defend the country if it comes under attack, but the deal had been pushed through at the behest of Russia’s arms industry.

Analysts have attempted to douse fears over Azerbaijan‘s increased militarisation, saying that the nation had no appetite for war, though Azerbaijan, where President Ilham Aliyev faces re-election in October, has boosted arms spending and threatened to take back the disputed territory of Nagorno- Karabakh by force from neighboring Armenia. Meanwhile, Armenian President Serzh Sarksyan said last year that Azerbaijan was accumulating a “horrendous quantity” of arms and was threatening Armenia with a new war. The news seems to mark a current trend in the South Caucasus as last month Russia ignited fears over its reported rapid re-militarising, Russia’s Southern Military District’s forces, whose responsibility cover the entire Caucasus region, have been re-equipping relatively fast. With bases in Armenia, South Ossetia and Abkhazia, this news has raised questions about the nature of the increased activity by the Russian military in the region–whether it is a sign of “dynamic development” or a “power message” to its neighbours?

The news of Russia’s shipment to to Azerbaijan also comes simultaneous with the release of data from the Campaign Against Arms Trade about EU arms exports (including EaP countries). CAAT has launched a new web-app which makes the existing data clearly and easily available to the public, politicians, civil servants and the media. The app  shows all known weapons transfers out of the EU from 1998 onwards, broken down by source, destination and type of equipment.

According to CAAT:

“CAAT’s EU Arms Exports browser uses data compiled by the European Commission and released in annual reports. While the reports are hard to navigate and highly technical, the browser provides a simple interface that allows the user to browse the data in an accessible format and quickly make comparisons between different exporters, destination countries, types of hardware and year.”

The data, however, is far from complete, as CAAT is careful to point out:

“…the official data is far from complete and includes some glaring omissions. Though the EU data covers all military equipment, it does not include export licences for “dual-use” equipment, that is equipment that could be used for military or civil purposes, and information on actual deliveries is not provided by several countries including major suppliers Germany and the UK. In some cases, the EU data differs from national reporting.”

-Arming both sides and benefiting nicely it seems… Russia delivers $1b arms package to Azerbaijan http://t.co/xofiq4qFXo#secdays#armenia

— Onnik J. Krikorian (@onewmphoto) June 18, 2013

Declaring strategic alliance with #Armenia, #Russia sells arms to #Azerbaijan worth $1bln. Nagorno #Karabakh conflict is alive and well;))

— Hovhanes Nikoghosyan (@hnikoghosyan) June 18, 2013

Sources: RiaNovosti, CAAT

An Azerbaijani perspective
by Zaur Shiriyev

An Armenian perspective
by Richard Giragosian

The full text of Resolutions via the Eastern Partnership Civil Society Forum

Moldovan Prime Minister Iurie Leancă . Author: Latvian Foreign Ministry. Source: Flickr

The news of the conclusion of talks on the free trade area comes in tandem with newly inaugurated Moldovan Prime Minister, Iurie Leancă with EU Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso, Commissioner Štefan Füle and Lithuanian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Linas Linkevičius met. 

Speaking about his first meeting with Prime Minister Leancă , Commissioner Füle said:

”This was my first meeting with Iurie Leanca in his new capacity as Moldovan Prime Minister I have wished him good luck. He has a challenging task. I appreciate that Prime Minister´s first trip abroad led to Brussels. This shows the importance Moldova attaches to the EU and also the strength of our relations. We discussed the political and economic situation in Moldova. While welcoming the end of the recent political crisis in Chisinau, I underlined the importance of drawing the lessons from it, and to focus on the needs of the citizens. As a friend, I have been very open in expressing my strong expectation that the new coalition will work hard genuinely tackling the issues raised by the political crisis.”

In a brief statement from the Commission describing President Barroso’s visit with the Moldovan Prime Minister, the content of their discussions was elucidated, explaining:

“[They] discussed the situation in the country and the importance of political consensus among the major parties to pursue the reforms needed to the modernisation of Moldova. The existence of fully functioning and independent State institutions was also highlighted as the basis for a long term stability of the country. The EU remains committed to the objective of political association and economic integration of Moldova. In this respect both leaders expressed their satisfaction with the substantive completion of negotiations for an Association Agreement, including a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area. This constitutes a major achievement in the road to the Eastern Partnership Summit, which will be held in Vilnius in November.”

Mtg w/ Iurie #Leancă, PM of #Moldova, at the @EU_Commission today pic.twitter.com/UNfBACGVTc

— José Manuel Barroso (@BarrosoEU) June 14, 2013

In relation to the Vilnius Summit, Lithuania will take over the Presidency of the EU in July, and is in a unique and unprecedented position to bring the Eastern Partnership countries closer to the EU. Of his meeting with Moldovan Prime Minister Leancă, Lithuanian Foreign Minister Linkevičius expressed his feelings about Moldova’s progress with the DCFTA, saying:

“Moldova is rapidly achieving its goals by the Vilnius Summit. The country must maintain the reform momentum, while Lithuania strongly supports Moldova’s EU bid.”

With DCFTA talks completed #Moldova approaches goals of Vilnius #EaP summit, should maintain momentum – #Lithuania FM http://t.co/Lyks3LjD2z

— EU2013LTpress (@EU2013LTpress) June 14, 2013

>Moldova also made headlines in the last week regarding its talks with closer cooperation with NATO. NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen told Moldova’s Prime Minister that the Alliance stood ready to develop closer ties during talks at NATO headquarters the end of last week, “We agree that we should make the most of the Individual Partnership Action Plan between NATO and Moldova and develop it further,” the Secretary General said.

Watch here…

Sources:  Atlantic Council, European Commission , Lithuanian Tribune

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Transnistria: A Soviet “Antique” Replica Playing a Strategic Role in the EaP Future

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A limited number of places are now opened up for online registration. Costs related to travel and accommodation are not covered.

The €12 million Eastern Partnership Culture Programme aims at assisting the Partner Countries in their cultural policy reform at government level, as well as capacity building and improving professionalism of cultural operators in the region. It seeks to strengthen regional cultural links and dialogue within the Eastern Partnership region, and between the EU and ENP Eastern countries’ cultural networks and actors. (EU Neighbourhood Info Centre)

Read more  

Press release

Online registration

Eastern Partnership Culture Programme – website

Eastern Partnership Culture Programme – fiche and news

EU Neighbourhood Info Centre information pack – The Eastern Partnership: a path to stability and prosperity

Source: ENPI Info Center

Праздник города Даугавпилса–Daugavpils City Festival. author: Adrienne Warren. Source: EEAP

The month of June is greeting by the Baltics with a series of festivals and celebrations taking place across the region. In the Lithuanian capital, Vilnius, a month-long festival of arts, music and dance kicks off June 3rd. The festival is a highly prestigious one, attracting the support and talents of world-famous performers, and a major destination for tourists and music-lovers in the summer season.  The importance of the Vilnius festival is multifaceted, channeling the power of the arts not just as an expression of beauty, but also as an essential vehicle for creating unity, celebrating diversity. As the Festival’s official ethos explains:

Jazz in Vilnius. author: Adrienne Warren. Source: EEAP

“Since the first Vilnius Festival in 1997 its primary idea has been to promote the historical and modern assets of world culture in society. Cooperation between Lithuanian and foreign musicians has fostered the creation of a multicultural music scene in Lithuania, as well as mutual tolerance and trust, and the discovery and support of new artistic forces. The organizers of Vilnius Festival seek to reflect the cultural experiences of different nations and eras in the festival program.”

The festival offers the chance to share some of Lithuania’s culture and heritage with its European counterparts, as well as countries even further afield, a feature for which the Festival boasts:

“Thanks to its cooperation with well-known Lithuanian and foreign performers, its common projects with Lithuanian, Italian, Polish, German, French, Croatian, Slovenian and Swiss festivals, and its active involvement in programs of cultural tourism, Vilnius Festival has dispersed far and wide the liveliness of Lithuania’s culture, as well as the works of contemporary Lithuanian composers and a reputation for professionalism among its performers.”

The benefits of such cooperation are far-reaching, enhancing not only understanding and appreciation for Lithuania’s cultural beauty and richness, but also for respect for the nation at the international level, as the festival’s organisers explain:

“The cooperation of Vilnius Festival organizers and performers with world-renowned musicians has accelerated the acceptance of not only Lithuania’s musical culture but also its political activities in the international realm. The support of these musicians for Lithuania’s intention to integrate to the EU was raised not only by artistic acts but also by official documents. The active participation of Vilnius Festival in programs of Lithuanian cultural tourism and its close cooperation with diplomatic missions of foreign countries has generated high interest among foreign guests and tourists in both this event and Lithuanian cultural happenings in general.”

Vilnius by Summer Night. author: Adrienne Warren. source: EEAP

Lithuania’s role as an integral player in Europe and in the EU is increasing, as next month the Baltic country will step into its role as the EU Council Presidency for the second half of 2013. It is the first of the Baltic nations to do so, and its stay in power is already being heralded as the largest administrative load ever carried by a Council Presidency. To top it all off, Vilnius is hosting the next Eastern Partnership Summit in November, being tipped as the biggest EU event of the year.

Lithuania’s geography and common history with its neighbours makes it a key axis point for enhancing cooperation and cultural exchange with the EU and the Eastern Partnership countries. Lithuania is perhaps most well-placed to aid in bridging the gap between Belarus and the European Union, as Lithuania still relies upon on-going trade with the country, otherwise shunned by the EU.

Lithuania, particularly Vilnius, benefits from a large influx of Belarusian tourists every year. In this way, the Vilnius festival offers an internationally important attraction for tourists, as a meeting place for people otherwise at odds, and gives the city the benefits from international sponsorship and World Heritage funds.

Daugavpils “Den Goroda” (Days of the City) Fesitval. author: Adrienne Warren. Source: EEAP

173 kilometres north-east, in Daugavpils, Latvia, the first week of June is also festival season, with the city’s annual “Праздник города”, or City Festival. The festival is very different in nature from Vilnius’–not dotted with large, prestigious events throughout a month, but hosting simultaneous activities daily, showcasing local talents, crafts, small businesses, markets and concerts.  Each year, the festival has a theme, for 2013 it was “My City Daugavpils – the City of Opportunities”–devoted to entrepreneurs and local businesses:

“The municipality is thankful to entrepreneurs for their work, investments and work places. Achievements of the entrepreneurs have a great importance for development of the city”, emphasizes Žanna Kulakova, the chairperson of Daugavpils City Council.

During the first half of the week, starting on June 3rd, the festival visits each neighbourhood in Daugavpils, building a stage in the centre of each locality and holding concerts for the local people, by the local people. The rotation of the activities means that each neighbourhood is celebrated, is actively a part of the city’s festivities, and is made accessible to all.

During the latter part of the week, the larger festival activities begin in the centre of Daugavpils–again with stages dotted across the centre of the town, surrounded by markets and attractions. In another effort to make the festival open to all, the city makes all public transportation free, and extends the hours during which the transportation runs.

The festival hosts a wide range of local talent and events, including school performances, singing and dancing of all varieties and age groups , local crafts, and other ceative groups and artists from Latvia,Lithuania,Belarus,Russia and Sweden.

Closing Ceremony for Daugavpils Festival. photo: by Evija Smagare.

Eleonora Kleščinska, the head of Cultural department of Daugavpils, explained that the city festival is one of the main cultural events of Daugavpils and each year it shall become even more magnificent and interesting in order to attract more city guests. This year, one of Latvia’s biggest bands “Brain Storm” held a free concert in the city’s “Unity Square”–an event which locals deemed particularly unique, as it united both Latvian and Russian residents, of all ages.

This year’s festival offered an important opportunity to increase tourism in the region, and by dedicating the event to entrepreneurs and small businesses, the city of Daugavpils was able to benefit from the event at a grassroots level. Local businesses in the city stayed open until early hours to benefit from the wave of visitors.

The theme of “opportunity” is an important one for most Latvian residents, as unemployment is an on-going concern for the country, and many young people leave the country to seek opportunities for work and a higher quality of life elsewhere. Though Latvia is being lauded as one of the current success stories of the EU, a nation which has a quickly growing economy and a swift recovery from the economic crisis–it is an appraisal which many local people do not feel is reflective of the reality.

The minimum wage in Latvia is the lowest in the Baltic region, at a staggering 285 euros per month. The decision of Daugavpils’ municipality to make transportation free, and to bring the festival spirit to each residential area in the city in turn, demonstrated the meaning of opportunity for many–giving equal chance to each resident to take part in the celebration, and growth of their city.

 A taste of Latvian music…

PHOTO STREAM: June Tour of the Baltics

Find out more about the Vilnius Festival 

Find out more about the Daugavpils Festival 

Vilnius. author: F H Mira. Source: Flickr

Ukraine, according to Lithuanian Foreign Minister Linas Linkevicius, is tipped to sign the Association Agreement with the EU, however the path to signing has been fraught with difficult and tumult. The country, failing to meet the EU’s 3 reform requirements by May, was granted an extension until November. All eyes are expectantly, or sceptically, fixed on Ukraine.

Minister Linas Linkevicius has expressed his opinion that Ukraine needs close and contact with Lithuania in the run-up to the summit, highlighting Lithuania’s crucial role in assisting the country on its way to greater integration with the EU. He also spoke about the need for realistic expectations for the Ukraine, as well as the other EaP countries when it comes to pinning hopes on November’s gathering:

“Each of these countries [is] different, having different expectations, motivations, ambitions, and that is true. But when I am asked about the success of the summit…let’s manage the expectations as well,” the Minister said.

“We have a vision beyond 2013. It is not the end of the game, it is just the beginning. We will be able to implement very important principles. One of them is ‘more for more’ — when these countries are delivering more, we should set a mechanism to do more as well which is not always the case, if you agree. I can talk a lot about these things, but briefly, this is also a success.”

Speaking further about the potential success of the summit, Linekivcius expressed:

“An additional success is to sign an Association Agreement with Ukraine by the summit. It is possible, it is doable. [There are] a lot of obstacles, as you said, but [we are] still moving towards that direction.”

However, the Lithuanian Minister’s expectations are still realistic, as earlier this month, he described the difficulties Ukraine is having in demonstrating reforms adequately enough to impress the EU:

“.. there are points where [Ukraine's] progress can be hardly seen. But we are struggling to find at least any signs of improvement in the situation. In the questions of elections there are some, but we see not even that much progress in the remaining two spheres [reform of the judiciary system and elimination of selective justice]. So, I have to admit that if we are to make decision on the European Union’s preparedness to sign the Association Agreement today, it would be negative.”

Central Europe Summit in Bratislava – good background for #EU‘s Eastern Partnership Summit in #Vilnius in November pic.twitter.com/Do9kg09dhw

— Dalia Grybauskaitė (@Grybauskaite_LT) June 13, 2013

This realistic perspective is one similarly expressed by Lithuanian President Dalia Grybauskaitė, who spoke about the reformation process in Ukraine, particularly as it applies to the case of ex-Ukrainian Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko. Grybauskaitė expressed the view that Tymoshenko’s case could be seen as a symbol of the wider processes taking place in this country. The release of Tymoshenko is one of the requirements the Ukraine has to fulfill in order to sign the Association agreement, and one which has been met with controversy. A heated debate epitomised in Estonia’s Prime Minister Andrus Ansip remark that “It is wrong for the future of Ukrainian-Estonian and Ukrainian-EU relations to depend on one lady.” Grybauskaitė spoke about this requirement saying that it was about far more than ‘one lady’ but an indication of a larger problem:

“Sometimes one person’s case symbolises and is like a pyramid of the whole process. Therefore, I understand that one person should not be an obstacle, but if that person and his/her case symbolises a certain process in the country, and this is how other countries see this case, it is a totally different problem then.”

Grybauskaitė also reiterated Lithuania’s strong support for Ukraine’s EU integration hopes, saying:

“…Of course, I am trying to unite the front, as I say, or the group of countries that really support Ukraine’s aspiration for as many countries that might support the prospect of signing of the EU-Ukrainian Association Agreement to be in Vilnius.  Of course, we remind Ukraine that there’s no one-way street, and it is vital that Ukraine continues and swiftly implements law-enforcement reforms and those ensuring human rights. But, nevertheless, this whole Central European group, and those participants who are here in Bratislava today, including Mr. Van Rompuy, President of the EU Council, we all understand very well and our opinions on Ukraine’s prospects in the EU really match.”

Meanwhile, however, Lithuanian Prime Minister Algirdas Butkevicius has postponed his visit to Ukraine earlier scheduled for June 13-14, Butkevicius was set to hold talks with Mykola Azarov, Prime Minister of Ukraine, and meet with Verkhovna Rada Chairman, Volodymyr Rybak and the reasons for the postponement of the visit have not been disclosed.

Simultaneous to this –  at the 18th Summit of Heads of State of Central Europe held in Bratislava, Slovakia – Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych has underscored Ukraine’s commitment to European integration, saying:

“United Europe is a clearly declared civilized choice of Ukraine. Such a choice is based not only on the geopolitical realities and economic feasibility, but also, above all, on the natural European identity of our nation, its historical, cultural and value unity with the rest of the Europeans. I do not see any objective reasons, which would deprive Ukraine and several other countries in the region of such a powerful integration tool.”

Amidst rising concerns about Ukraine’s readiness to the sign the Association Agreement, the Ukrainian President explained:

Read also: 

Gediminas Kirkilas
the Vice-Speaker of the Lithuanian’s Seimas and the Chairman of the European Affairs Committee
on the importance of signing the Association Agreement with Ukraine in November

Sources: Lithuania Tribune, RFE/RL, ForUm

A Common Asylum Policy for the EU is Now Reality

Amsterdam tells Putin to Go Homo, author: Charles Roffey Charles, source: Flickr

The bill is not only aimed at individuals – who risk fines to up  to 5’000 Rubels (125 Euro) and up to ten times that for officials- but will also allow authorities to suspend the activities of NGOs and fine them to up to one million ruble (25’000 Euro). Foreigners will be punished harsher than Russians : they face up to 15 days in prison and expulsion of the country. This represents a clear violation of freedom  of expression and will deprive many young people of information about subjects that are more than vital for physical and mental health : HIV prevention, contraception, but also sexuality education or fight against prejudices.

In other terms, sexual and gender minorities are still technically legal – it’s just banned to talk about them in the presence of minors, or do anything to promote or defend their rights.  Sexual and gender minorities are now legally banned from the entire public space of Russia.

Similar laws, directly aimed at “protecting youth against homosexual propaganda” had already been adopted in several Oblasti (federal entities) in Russia in the last years, including, last but not least, Kaliningrad :

Ryazan Oblast - since 22 April 2006

Arkhangelsk Oblast - since 22 October 2011

Kostroma Oblast - since 28 February 2012

Saint Petersburg - since 30 March 2012

Magadan Oblast - since 30 June 2012

Novosibirsk Oblast - since 3 July 2012

Krasnodar Krai - since 19 July 2012

Samara Oblast - since 22 July 2012

Bashkortostan - since 5 August 2012. Note: Bashkortostan is the only region where the law does not include any kind of administrative sanctions or fines.

Kaliningrad Oblast - since 19 February 2013.

On the Federal level, this law has been adopted in a current climate of violence and repression not only against the LGBTi community and its representatives, but against civil society as a whole.

Since a few months, NGOs have to register as “foreign agents” when funded from abroad. In April 2013, the offices of famous international human rights organizations such as Amnesty International or Human Rights Watch were raided in Moscow, so as the ones of German political foundations. After them, Russian NGOs such as Memorial or the Levada Center- a leading  opinion research  institute –  were also targeted. Motive? Being “foreign agents”.

The LGBTi community has also been the victim of similar attacks during the last months. The gay film festival of St Petersburg, the “Bok o Bok” has been fined 12’500 Euro in the first week of june for not registering as a foreign agent.  Attempts of organizing Gay Prides in Mai have been repeatedly rejected by authorities, and/or stormed by neo-Nazis and religious fanatics. This June, two men have been victim of hate crimes: the first one, a young man, was raped with a bottle and killed for revealing he was gay during a drinking game in the region of Volvograd. The second reported case happened in Kamchatka, where the director of an airport was stabbed and trampled to death, before his body was ditched inside his own car, to be set on fire.

Those cases only made it to the media because of their particularly high level of barbarism, and were probably recognized legally as hate crimes for the same reasons.

But not only. Paroxysm of the absurd, some LGBTi activists declare that acknowledgement of perpetrating a crime on the grounds of aversion of homosexuality actually leads to a milder sentence.

How many other victims of hate crimes stay invisible for not being recognized as such stays open to speculation.  ILGA, a leading European LGBT Rights organization filed 12 hate crimes in Russia for 2012.

And what about Kaliningrad ? The bill  is in general terms stricter than the ones adopted until then by the other cities/Oblast.

The fines range between 3,000-5,000 ruble (750-1125 Euro) for individuals, and between 500,000 to 1 million ruble (11’250 to 250’000 Euro) for organizations convicted of “promoting” homosexuality. There haven’t been any reported cases of prosecution or condemnation until now, and the application of the law stays unclear.

Another specificity of the Kaliningrad version of the bill is that it doesn’t only  ban “propaganda of homosexualism” among minors, but among the population in general.

Igor Kochetkov, chair of the Russian LGBT Network, commented:

Either from stupidity or amazing honesty, Kaliningrad deputies managed to uncover the real intentions of authors and instigators of the law on “propaganda of homosexualism.”

For us from the very beginning it was obvious that this initiative has nothing to do with protection of children. Like many other recent legal initiatives, the protection of children is used to cover the real wish – to shut up everyone who thinks or speak out the opinions different from the official ones — and also to hide the government’s inability to solve real social problems.

Curious about what “propaganda of homosexuality” actually is, we had the chance to ask the deputy Natalja N. Masyanova of the party “A just Russia” during a visit of the Kaliningrad region Duma. The response was more than vague :

“This law was adopted to protect our youth (sic) from violence and homosexualism in the mass media. (…) I personally didn’t support the bill, as we already have a federal law on this matter” (re-sic)

Last year, in an attempt to stop an unauthorized gay rally, police arrested more than 20 joggers in a Sovetsk, a city located in the North of Kaliningrad region. The runners actually turned out to be nationalists willing to promote a healthy lifestyle with flags emblazoned with the slogan “Russians choose sport”.

Russia being a federal state and according to the hierarchy of norms, the federal law should legally be the one to be applied. In practice, local authorities do what they please until someone complains to the constitutional court. In the actual climate, it can be highly doubted that anyone on the Federal level will ever condemn Kaliningrad for punishing the propaganda of homosexuality among adults too.

Biggest nuclear power station in Europe; about 50 km from Zaporozhye / Ukraine. Photo from the “Nikopol” bank of the river Dnjepr, author: Ralf1969, source: Wikimedia Commons

But an increase in gas imports from Germany alone does not constitute energy independence, just greater competition among foreign suppliers. The true cause for enthusiasm about Ukraine’s prospects for self-sufficiency comes from proposals to invest in alternative energy sources. The European Union has indicated its willingness to support plans to develop Ukraine’s energy infrastructure and domestic sources of geothermal, solar, and wind energy. In addition, President Viktor Yanukovych has proposed the development and construction of non-Russian nuclear fission reactors, which would be a major step toward achieving energy independence. While the process of expanding Ukraine’s sources of nuclear energy would require a significant investment of time and capital, these reactors could potentially produce energy for export to neighbouring countries, such as Poland.

If the Verkhovna Rada decides to support Yanukovych’s proposal, there will doubtless be a number of challenges to overcome in seeing the project realized. After all, as the saying goes, ‘the devil is in the details’. For example, Ukraine does not have an existing domestic capacity for designing and producing nuclear power plants. The existing reactors in Ukraine were developed either by the Soviet Union or by Russian contractors, such as OKB Gidropress. If the aim is to avoid reliance on the Russian energy sector, contracting OKB Gidropress or another heir to the Soviet designs would be less than desirable.

One possible solution might be to follow the example of Romania. Following the Gazprom gas disputes with Ukraine in 2008, the Romanian government initiated the expansion of the Cernavodă nuclear power plant in earnest. These facilities, originally initiated in the 1980s, are based on the CANDU reactor technology and were designed by Atomic Energy Canada Limited (AECL), a Canadian public corporation. The new reactor units are expected to become fully operational in 2016-2017. AECL could be a viable alternative to Russian contractors or to the difficult process of building up a Ukrainian state-run nuclear designer from scratch.

Beyond choosing the right contractor, there will be the difficulties of finding viable locations for the reactors and addressing public concerns. The CANDU reactor may be more attractive to the Ukrainian public since it is very different to the model used in the infamous Chernobyl facility. Ukrainians may also have a more pragmatic view toward nuclear power when compared with other audiences, given that nuclear energy continues to supply 47.5% of Ukraine’s energy production. But even the CANDU design, being a ‘heavy water reactor’, must be located near a significant body of water. This will raise environmental and ecological concerns. The proposed establishment of a nuclear reactor, regardless of the contractor, could mobilize opposition if the process of public consultation is handled improperly.

Whatever the eventual fate of Yanukovych’s proposed nuclear option, it seems Ukraine is getting serious about energy independence. This may in turn serve to emphasize Ukraine’s political independence, allowing the people of this country to determine whether to pursue a sober decision on European or Eurasian integration, free from the threat that Gazprom may leave them in the cold.

Plum Blossoms on Hand. author: chant0m0. source: Flickr

The Index, produced by the Institute for Economics and Peace, uses a multi-layered methodology to reach its results. The definition of peace is looked at from both a positive perspective (institutional capacity and resilience) as well as negative peace, defined by Johan Galtung as ‘the absence of violence or fear of violence’.

Countries are given scores on 22 indicators that measure internal peace–for example, levels of perceived criminality, number of police per 100,000 people and level of organised crime, as well as external peace indicators– including military expenditure as a percentage of the GDP and nuclear weapons capabilities.

The report also counts the cost of violence to the global economy. The estimated economic impact of containing violence was $9.46 trillion in 2012, equivalent to 11% of global GDP. The report elucidates:

“Were the world to reduce its expenditure on violence by approximately 50 per cent it could repay the debt of the developing world ($4076bn), provide enough money for the European stability mechanism, ($900bn) and fund the additional amount required to achieve the annual cost of the Millennium Development Goals.”

Among the European Post-Soviet nations, Estonia ranked the highest in the index, placing at 38 out of 162 countries. Neighbouring Baltic nation, Latvia, placed at 41, and Lithuania placed next at 46. All three nations ranked quite low in the category of militarisation, but placed slightly higher in the areas of society and security.

Peace Index 2013 * Post-Soviet States in Europe, source: Eastbook.eu

Neighbouring Belarus placed 96th, demonstrating higher levels of concern in relation to society and security. Similarly, Ukraine’s rank at 111th place was influenced by a high score in society and security–an area of concern echoed by Moldova, albeit at a much lower level,  as the nation ranked at 75th place. All three nations also had higher showings of peace-issues in the area of domestic and international conflict.

In the South Caucasus, Armenia had the best ranking, placing at 98--with the area of greatest concern being at the level of domestic and international conflict. Next, Azerbaijan, at 126, demonstrated a near-statistical tie in the areas of society and security and domestic and international conflict. Georgia had the worst ranking, at 139th–with the highest level among the European post Soviets in the area of domestic and international conflict.

Today’s most amazing stat: #Armenia improves position in Global Peace Index from 115th to 98th news.am/eng/news/15763…

— Ani Wandaryan (@GoldenTent) June 11, 2013

source: The Guardian 

How about participating in civic activities?

Cecilia Malmström at the European Parliament plenary session, Strasbourg, October 2011. Photo: European Parliament . Source: ec.europa.eu

The European Commission, the European Parliament and the Council have been working for years to define a comprehensive legal framework for the treatment of asylum-seekers. The recent agreement on the reform of the EU asylum system is a major achievement, a credit to the political will and determination of those involved in nearly five years of often difficult negotiations. This is a reminder that the EU is founded on values enshrining respect for human rights and the rule of law. It demonstrates that – even in times of economic crisis – promoting the right to asylum is at the heart of the Union’s efforts to build an area of freedom and justice.

Until now our asylum policy has been a flawed and incomplete construction. Striking differences in the outcome of asylum applications across the EU, the material conditions in which asylum-seekers are received and the procedural rights which they are accorded, have undermined the credibility and effectiveness of our asylum system.

The legal framework we have now adopted consists of detailed common rules introducing clear criteria to be applied when assessing asylum claims, more efficient procedures and better reception conditions to asylum-seekers.

Specific guarantees are introduced for certain categories of vulnerable persons, in particular minors and victims of torture or violence, and it is now expressly recognised that Member States should avoid detention of asylum-seekers.

And for those who see their asylum request accepted and are therefore granted international protection, the new rules harmonise the benefits that go with such a status, especially in terms of enhanced residence rights and easier access to employment and health care.

These changes will now need to be implemented across the Union to ensure that the common standards are applied in practice. Over the coming years, our efforts will focus on practical measures to ensure high standards all across the EU.

The European Union has a responsibility not just to uphold human values for our own citizens, but also to play its part as a leading member of the international community to welcome those seeking refuge from persecution and conflict. We have an obligation to treat every person in a humane manner and – if they are considered to be entitled to protection – offer them the perspective of a decent life and the opportunity to make a contribution to our society here in Europe. I am confident that the legal framework for the common European asylum policy, which has just been agreed upon, will help to make that aspiration a reality.

Cecilia Malmström, EU Commissioner in charge of Home Affairs

Useful Links

The conference provides a forum for Polish and Belarusian students and young professionals interested in contemporary Belarusian politics and culture to present their work in English. It is intended to facilitate collaboration between activists, scholars, artists and others interested in Belarus.

Keynote speakers (who will act as moderators) will include: Anna Dyner (Polish Institute of International Affairs), Pavel Usov (political analyst) and Lukasz Grajewski (Eastbook.eu).

Presenters will include: Kiryl Zach (University of Sheffield), Max Rust (University of Warsaw), Ryhor Astapenia (University of Warsaw), Anna Kuleszewicz (Adam Mickiewicz University, Poznan), Katsiaryna Varapai (University of Warsaw), Alena Trafimava (Etnoprojekt), Anna Chlebicka (Etnoprojekt), Valyaryna Kustava (writer, film critic), Mateusz Luft (Free Belarus Initiative) and Anna Pozniak (Strelka Institute, Moscow).

The Fulbright Commission is collaborating with Eastbook.eu, Studium Europy Wschodniej at the University of Warsaw, Together for Belarus and the Belarusian House in Warsaw. 

The Polish-American Fulbright Commission is the premier organizing body for facilitating educational exchanges between the United States and Poland. Among the programs administered by Fulbright is the Lane Kirkland Scholarship Program for young leaders from Eastern Europe, the South Caucasus and Central Asia.

Date: June 25^th 2013

Time: 13:00-18:00

Host: Polish-US Fulbright Commission

ul. K.I. Galczynskiego 4

Warsaw, Poland

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No registration is required for guests—all are welcome, and warmly invited to attend. Refreshments will be served.

Contact:

David Liebers

+48 531 278 891

dliebers@wid.org.pl